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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Gender identities. Health care and medicine. Rights issues. Society and culture.

Theory and concepts. By country. See also. Archives of Sexual Behavior. Retrieved Samoan-English Dictionary. Tucson: University of Arizona Press : 81— University of Alberta.

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Amazon Business Service for business customers. Also, "social prestige is increased by his amorous exploits". For the adolescent girls, status is primarily a question of whom they will marry.

Mead also describes adolescence and the time before marriage as the high point of a Samoan girl's life:. It is better to live as a girl with no responsibility, and a rich variety of experience.

This is the best period of her life. The next section describes the structure of a Samoan village: "a Samoan village is made up of some thirty to forty households, each of which is presided over by a head man".

Each household is an extended family including widows and widowers. The household shares houses communally: each household has several houses but no members have ownership or permanent residence of any specific building.

The houses may not all be within the same part of the village. The head man of the household has ultimate authority over the group.

Mead describes how the extended family provides security and safety for Samoan children. Children are likely to be near relatives no matter where they are, and any child that is missing will be found quite rapidly.

The household also provides freedom for children including girls. According to Mead, if a girl is unhappy with the particular relatives she happens to live with, she can always simply move to a different home within the same household.

Mead also describes the various and fairly complex status relations which are a combination of factors such as role in the household, the household's status within the village, the age of the individual, etc.

There are also many rules of etiquette for requesting and granting favors. Mead describes the many group structures and dynamics within Samoan culture.

The forming of groups is an important part of Samoan life from early childhood when young children form groups for play and mischief.

There are several different kinds of possible group structures in Samoan culture. Relations flow down from chiefs and heads of households; men designate another man to be their aid and surrogate in courting rituals; men form groups for fishing and other work activities; women form groups based on tasks such as child caring and household relations.

Mead describes examples of such groups and describes the complex rules that govern how they are formed and how they function.

Her emphasis is on Samoan adolescent girls, but as elsewhere she needs to also describe Samoan social structures for the entire culture to give a complete picture.

Mead believes that the complex and mandatory rules that govern these various groups mean that the traditional Western concept of friendship as a bond entered into voluntarily by two people with compatible interests is all but meaningless for Samoan girls: "friendship is so patterned as to be meaningless.

I once asked a young married woman if a neighbor with whom she was always upon the most uncertain and irritated terms was a friend of hers. The ritual requirements such as being able to remember specifics about family relations and roles are far greater for men than women.

This also translates into significantly more responsibility being put on men than women: "a man who commits adultery with a chief's wife was beaten and banished, sometime even drowned by the outraged community, but the woman was only cast out by her husband".

Mead devotes a whole chapter to Samoan music and the role of dancing and singing in Samoan culture. She views these as significant because they violate the norms of what Samoans define as good behavior in all other activities and provide a unique outlet for Samoans to express their individuality.

According to Mead there is normally no greater social failing than demonstrating an excess of pride, or as the Samoans describe it, "presuming above one's age".

However, this is not the case when it comes to singing and dancing. In these activities, individuality and creativity are the most highly praised attributes, and children are free to express themselves to the fullest extent of their capabilities rather than being concerned with appropriate behavior based on age and status:.

The attitude of the elders toward precocity in On the dance floor the dreaded accusation "You are presuming above your age" is never heard.

Little boys who would be rebuked or whipped for such behavior on any other occasion are allowed to preen themselves, to swagger and bluster and take the limelight without a word of reproach.

The relatives crow with delight over a precocity for which they would hide their heads in shame were it displayed in any other sphere Often a dancer does not pay enough attention to her fellow dancers to avoid continually colliding with them.

It is a genuine orgy of aggressive individualistic behavior. Mead describes the psychology of the individual Samoan as being simpler, more honest, and less driven by sexual neuroses than the west.

She describes Samoans as being much more comfortable with issues such as menstruation and more casual about non-monogamous sexual relations.

Conflicts that might result in arguments or breaks within a traditional Western family can be defused in Samoan families simply by having one of the parties to the conflict relocate to a different home that is part of the household within the village.

Mead describes how one of the things that made her research difficult was that Samoans would often answer just about every question with non-committal answers, the Samoan equivalent to shrugging one's shoulders and saying: "Who knows?

Mead concludes the section of the book dealing with Samoan life with a description of Samoan old age. Samoan women in old age "are usually more of a power within the household than the old men.

The men rule partly by the authority conferred by their titles, but their wives and sisters rule by force of personality and knowledge of human nature.

Mead concluded that the passage from childhood to adulthood adolescence in Samoa was a smooth transition and not marked by the emotional or psychological distress, anxiety, or confusion seen in the United States.

Mead concluded that this was due to the Samoan girl's belonging to a stable, monocultural society, surrounded by role models, and where nothing concerning the basic human facts of copulation, birth, bodily functions, or death, was hidden.

The Samoan girl was not pressured to choose from among a variety of conflicting values, as was the American girl. Mead commented, somewhat satirically:.

But her mother's father may be a Low Episcopalian, a believer in high living, a strong advocate of States' Rights and the Monroe Doctrine , who reads Rabelais , likes to go to musical shows and horse races.

Her aunt is an agnostic, an ardent advocate of women's rights, an internationalist who rests all her hopes on Esperanto , is devoted to Bernard Shaw , and spends her spare time in campaigns of anti-vivisection.

Her elder brother, whom she admires exceedingly, has just spent two years at Oxford. He is an Anglo-Catholic, an enthusiast concerning all things medieval, writes mystical poetry, reads Chesterton , and means to devote his life to seeking for the lost secret of medieval stained glass.

Her mother's younger brother On publication, the book generated a great deal of coverage both in the academic world and in the popular press.

Mead's publisher William Morrow had lined up many endorsements from well known academics such as anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski and psychologist John Watson.

Their praise was a major public relations coup for Morrow and drew popular attention to the book. Academic interest was soon followed by sensational headlines such as "Samoa is the Place for Women" and that Samoa is "Where Neuroses Cease".

For most anthropologists before Mead, detailed immersive fieldwork was not a common practice. Although subsequent reviews of her work have revealed faults by the standards of modern anthropology, at the time the book was published the idea of living with native people was fairly ground breaking.

The use of cross-cultural comparison to highlight issues within Western society was highly influential and contributed greatly to the heightened awareness of anthropology and ethnographic study in the United States.

It established Mead as a substantial figure in American anthropology, a position she would maintain for the next fifty years.

As Boas and Mead expected, this book upset many Westerners when it first appeared in Many American readers felt shocked by her observation that young Samoan women deferred marriage for many years while enjoying casual sex before eventually choosing a husband.

As a landmark study regarding sexual mores, the book was highly controversial and frequently came under attack on ideological grounds.

Although Coming of Age received significant interest and praise from the academic community, Mead's research methodology also came in for criticism from several reviewers and fellow anthropologists.

Mead was criticized for not separating her personal speculation and opinions from her ethnographic description of Samoan life and for making sweeping generalizations based on a relatively short period of study.

For example, Nels Anderson wrote about the book: "If it is science, the book is somewhat of a disappointment. It lacks a documental base.

It is given too much to interpretation instead of description. Mead forgets too often that that she is an anthropologist and gets her own personality involved with her materials.

This criticism is dealt with in detail in the section below. In , he participated in the filming of Margaret Mead and Samoa , directed by Frank Heimans, which claims to document one of Mead's original informants, now an elderly woman, swearing that the information she and her friend provided Mead when they were teenagers was false; one of the girls would say of Mead on videotape years later:.

We girls would pinch each other and tell her we were out with the boys. We were only joking but she took it seriously.

As you know, Samoan girls are terrific liars and love making fun of people but Margaret thought it was all true. Another of Mead's statements on which Freeman focused was her claim that through the use of chicken blood, Samoan girls could and do lie about their status of virginity.

On this ground, Freeman argued that Mead must have based her account on false hearsay from non-Samoan sources. The argument hinged on the place of the taupou system in Samoan society.

According to Mead, the taupou system is one of institutionalized virginity for young women of high rank, and it is exclusive to women of high rank.

According to Freeman, all Samoan women emulated the taupou system, and Mead's informants denied having engaged in casual sex as young women and claimed that they had lied to Mead.

After an initial flurry of discussion, many anthropologists concluded that Freeman systematically misrepresented Mead's views on the relationship between nature and nurture, as well as the data on Samoan culture.

According to Freeman's colleague Robin Fox, Freeman "seemed to have a special place in hell reserved for Margaret Mead, for reasons not at all clear at that time".

Moreover, many field and comparative studies by anthropologists have since found that adolescence is not experienced in the same way in all societies.

Systematic cross-cultural study of adolescence by Schlegel and Barry, for example, concluded that adolescents experience harmonious relations with their families in most non-industrialized societies around the world.

They find that, when family members need each other throughout their lives, independence, as expressed in adolescent rebelliousness, is minimal and counterproductive.

Adolescents are likely to be rebellious only in industrialized societies practicing neolocal residence patterns in which young adults must move their residence away from their parents.

Neolocal residence patterns result from young adults living in industrial societies who move to take new jobs or in similar geographically mobile populations.

Thus, Mead's analysis of adolescent conflict is upheld in the comparative literature on societies worldwide. First, these critics have speculated that he waited until Mead died before publishing his critique so that she would not be able to respond.

However, in , Freeman sent a revised manuscript to Mead, but she was ill and died a few months later without responding. Second, Freeman's critics point out that, by the time he arrived on the scene, Mead's original informants were old women, grandmothers, and had converted to Christianity , so their testimony to him may not have been accurate.

They further argue that Samoan culture had changed considerably in the decades following Mead's original research; after intense missionary activity, many Samoans had come to adopt the same sexual standards as the Americans who were once so shocked by Mead's book.

They suggested that such women, in this new context, were unlikely to speak frankly about their adolescent behavior. Further, they suggested that these women might not be as forthright and honest about their sexuality when speaking to an elderly man as they would have been speaking to a woman near their own age.

Some anthropologists criticized Freeman on methodological and empirical grounds. Their criticism was made formal at the 82nd annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association the next month in Chicago, where a special session, to which Freeman was not invited, was held to discuss his book.

Freeman commented that "to seek to dispose of a major scientific issue by a show of hands is a striking demonstration of the way in which belief can come to dominate the thinking of scholars".

In the years that followed, anthropologists vigorously debated these issues. Two scholars who published on the issue include Appell, who stated "I found Freeman's argument to be completely convincing"; [26] and Brady, who stated "Freeman's book discovers little but tends to reinforce what many anthropologists already suspected" regarding the adequacy of Mead's ethnography.

Much like Mead's work, Freeman's account has been challenged as being ideologically driven to support his own theoretical viewpoint sociobiology and interactionism , as well as assigning Mead a high degree of gullibility and bias.

Freeman's refutation of Samoan sexual mores has been challenged, in turn, as being based on public declarations of sexual morality, virginity, and taupou rather than on actual sexual practices within Samoan society during the period of Mead's research.

In , Martin Orans published his review [31] of Mead's notes preserved at the Library of Congress , crediting her for leaving all her recorded data as available to the general public.

Orans concludes that Freeman's basic criticism that Mead was duped by ceremonial virgin Fa'apua'a Fa'amu who later swore to Freeman that she had played a joke on Mead was false for several reasons: first, Mead was well aware of the forms and frequency of Samoan joking; second, she provided a careful account of the sexual restrictions on ceremonial virgins that corresponds to Fa'apua'a Fa'amu's account to Freeman; and third, that Mead's notes make clear that she had reached her conclusions about Samoan sexuality before meeting Fa'apua'a Fa'amu.

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